IIn a historic turn of events in Bangladesh, student-led Gen Z protests forced the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who had ruled the country with an iron fist since coming to power in 2009. A brutal crackdown by security forces and activists from her Awami League party and ensuing violence left hundreds dead and thousands injured. The swearing-in of Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus as interim leader earlier this month — a key demand of student protesters — has brought enough hope to the strife-torn country that many in Bangladesh are calling it a “second liberation,” half a century after the country gained independence.

Read more: 5 Key Takeaways from TIME’s Interview with Sheikh Hasina

To ensure Bangladesh 2.0 is successful, key reforms cannot wait for a democratically elected government. The current interim government has no interest in keeping old and corrupt institutions intact. But in the future, newly elected governments could reshape institutions to their advantage. Rebuilding key institutions now will help prevent democratic backsliding under a future government. Three areas of reform are critical: the police and military, the constitution, and the judiciary.

Keeping the Deep State in Check

The security sector in Bangladesh is facing a serious crisis of legitimacy. The military and the police were involved in gross human rights violations during the student movement and prior to the protests. Both the police and the military became highly politicized during the Hasina regime. Most people have lost their trust in these institutions. Moreover, many police officers fled after Hasina’s departure due to fear of reprisals, creating a security vacuum.

The first step to building trust and legitimacy should be to dismantle the police units and individuals involved in violence, particularly the Rapid Forces Battalion (RAB), which has a long history of human rights violations. The individuals should be replaced with a diverse group of recruits, including women and ethnic and religious minorities, as well as those who have achieved merit and were not promoted solely because of Awami League ties.

The military is already purging and redeploying personnel involved in the protest atrocities. These investigations must continue and suspected personnel must be brought to justice. Units such as the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence, which have been involved in human rights abuses and ran a secret prison, must be dismantled or reformed. The military must also commit to a democratic process, disclose all business interests, and support the interim government by ensuring the safety of all citizens during the transition.

For both the police and the military, these processes should be overseen by an independent commission. They should also rely on UN entities, such as the Office of Rule of Law and Security Institutions, for guidance and oversight.

Implementing a constitutional reform

Bangladesh’s recent authoritarian turn is a byproduct of a concentration of power in the prime minister and the executive. The country has only nominally independent state institutions.

Restructuring the presidency as a purely nonpartisan institution should be at the heart of constitutional reform. The de facto practice of the prime minister appointing the president should be abolished in favor of collective voting. Current provisions that force the president to act on the advice of the prime minister significantly undermine checks and balances and should also be abolished. Meanwhile, the president should be given the power to appoint the heads of key state organs with recommendations from nonpartisan experts. This would limit the influence of the executive and ensure that these institutions operate free from political pressure.

The constitution should also introduce more legislative oversight of the government. A key first step is to abolish the requirement that members of parliament vote in favor of their party.

Depoliticization of the judiciary and state institutions

Yunus has already made judicial reform a priority. Currently, the appointments and promotions of Supreme Court judges are heavily influenced by the preferences of sitting judges. The interim government should abolish the controversial two-year extension rule that allows retired judges to be reappointed, which discourages senior judges from seeking favors from the sitting government.

It is vital to protect all key state institutions, including the Election Commission, the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Public Service Commission and the Human Rights Commission, from the influence of the ruling party. As Bangladesh approaches an election, an independent and neutral Election Commission is non-negotiable for a credible rotation of power.

The top-level appointments in state institutions should be made with recommendations from an independent commission representing political parties, the judiciary and civil society. These appointments should also require parliamentary approval, including a certain threshold of opposition support, so that no party controls the process.

Ultimately, the success of the student-led movement offers Bangladesh a chance to move on from the mistakes of the past. The economy is doing reasonably well and civil society is strong. Yunus can seize this moment. His government must not allow those who have plagued Bangladesh with political violence from the beginning to remain in power.

It is time for a democratic Bangladesh, led by and for the people.